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Sikh religion, born as a sword-arm of Hinduism, gave a rare gift to
every believing Sikh-a pride and joy in his or her religious identity,
rooted in the belief that they were born to fight oppression and to
defend the underdog. This is the psychology which attracted Sikhs in
large numbers to the defence forces. While such beliefs took care of the
community at a spiritual and essential level, the flourishing
agricultural economy of Punjab, armoured the community materially.
The anti-Sikh violence in November, 1984, however has
changed everything for the entire community. Fear and echoes have
replaced song and laughter for which the community was known until that
cruel November.
The Congress party's vicious role in planning and
executing the anti-Sikh violence is a foregone conclusion but it would
be worthwhile to examine the party's nasty role in turning the mass
psychology against Sikhs in the few years preceding the assassination of
Mrs. Indira Gandhi.
The Punjab political problem, which saw the rise of
Sikh militancy and an unprecedented form of state terrorism, is largely
believed to be a creation of the Congress (I) party. It is an open
secret that the Sikh militant leader, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala,
had the full backing of the Congress party which wanted to use him to
crush its main political rival in Punjab, the Akali party. It is besides
the point that Bhindranwala outsmarted Mrs. Gandhi.
The essence of the Akali Dal's political programme,
before militancy hijacked everything in Punjab, was decentralisation and
a reasonable balance of power between the centre and the states. The
Congress party was never interested in addressing the issue, its sole
interest being to finish the Akalis as a political force. The Congress
policy of finishing its political rivals through hook of crook, is what
saw the rise of militancy in Assam, where a students movement against
the infiltration of foreigners into the state and their inclusion in the
electoral lists (to serve as vote banks for the Congress (I) party),
degenerated into an "anti-national" movement. The Congress party and
government at the centre launched a systematic campaign against the
Assam students movement leaders, accusing them of being anti-national
and sectarian. In Andhra Pradesh, the Telugu Desam party too was dubbed
as parochial and a threat to the nation's unity. In Kashmir, Farooq
Abdullah was removed as chief minister for having "become an instrument
of anti-national forces".
What the Congress government did to the Akalis
political campaign for decentralisation is too well known to be
repeated, it must be underlined here that it was the Congress, which was
solely responsible for converting a political campaign into a communal
issue, which, eventually, threw the entire state into the arms of
terrorism. And, let nobody forget that a majority of the terrorists were
also the creation of the Congress party. In a nutshell, anybody who
opposed the Congress party was dubbed as anti-national, such sentiments
having come from forceful propaganda over the years based on slogans
like this, "Indira is India and India is Indira". The stranglehold of
such beliefs over the party is evident from the fact that Rajiv Gandhi
described the entire political opposition as anti-national in an
election speech and campaigned all over the country against the Anandpur
Sahib Resolution (the basis of the Akalis political campaign in the late
70s and 80s) as being an anti-national document.
It is the Congress which is responsible for throwing
the state of Punjab, both the administration and the militant leaders,
into the lap of terrorism. But for its devious policies, militancy would
never have acquired the deadly face it did and ordinary Sikhs, who had
nothing to do the politics, would not have acquired the image of
terrorists.
Anybody who has followed the political moves of the
party over the last two decades, knows that every time the party saw its
own political and electoral fortunes under threat, it raised the bogey
of anti-national forces being at work in India although, it is an open
secret that every secessionist movement in the country had the party's
backing. Not just this. Name any communal riot in the country which did
not have participation of the Congress party, both direct and indirect.
Now, let us examine the Congress party's cunning
manipulation of nationalistic sentiments. The party seem to be suffering
from paranoia about a "threat to India's unity." Around every election
this paranoia gets heightened. Its refrain of a threat to national unity
is almost sickening. Why is the party constantly harping on this tune?
To keep itself alive? Or to divide people on communal lines?
If by being secular it can do what it did to the
Sikhs, can we imagine the harm that it can do when its declare mask
comes off? In November 1984 the Sikhs were used as guinea pigs in a new
electoral experiment, to woo the majority community votes. The killing
of Mrs. Gandhi instantly united the Hindus of India behind the Congress.
It was to unite the Hindus and to stoke their communal sentiments that
the conspiracy behind the massacre of Sikhs was aimed, an aim in which
the party had an astounding success. It was this sentiment which helped
the party win the biggest ever mandate in the 1984 general elections.
Rajiv Gandhi got the mandate not even his grandfather, Jawaharlal Nehru
(a true secularist), could get. Who knows whom the party will use next.
Besides, by raising the bogey of a threat to national
unity and security, the Congress has succeeded in keeping national
attention away from crucial issues- poverty, illiteracy, unemployment
and other basic problems of the population. It is this
assiduously-raised bogey of the Congress which clouded the minds of the
intelligentsia during those death-filled days. Earlier, the
intelligentsia failed in its responsibility to correct the image of
Sikhs, as projected by the official propaganda machinery. It just kept
lapping up all that it was fed by the ruling party. The end result was
that even during those days of grotesque anti-Sikh violence, its view
was blinkers. Instead of playing a constructive role to contain the
violence, it added fuel to the fire. For example, the late Girilal Jain,
then the editor of Times of India, wrote a front page editorial on
November 2, 1994. The editorial reminded the readers about how terrorist
killings were cried out in Punjab and went on the say that the events
preceding that day (the anti-Sikh violence) should serve as an
eye-opener to the Sikhs and their political leadership, the Akali Dal.
In other words, Sikhs, who were being massacred could still take some
moral lessons from the violence. The editorial echoed the same
sentiments that the leaders of the Congress had employed to get the
community butchered. Similarly, many other intellectuals have
contributed to the smear campaign against Sikhs.
Former editor of Navbharat Times, Mr. Rajendra Mathur
and that of Jan Satta, Mr. Prabhash Joshi, for instance, have been
harping on the following tune in their writing: The fanatic nature of
the Sikh political leadership and the resultant anti-national character;
the failure of ordinary Sikhs to resist terrorism because of their
natural sympathy being with Khalistanis and terrorists and the role of
the Akalis in the political turmoil that faced Punjab for over a decade
and the threat to national unity because of their politics. These writer
also advocated hard measures to put down the Sikh leadership.
Such examples are enough to prove the role played by
the opinion makers, especially in the mass media, in shaping the psyche
of the anti-Sikh mobs. And against this backdrop, it would not be
far-fetched to state that a very strong section of the national media
was as instrumental in the anti-Sikh violence as were members of the
government. Don't we all accept that the mind that plots a crime is
deadlier than the hand that executes it?
How deadly secularism can be, we saw for ourselves in
the first week of November, 1984. Sikhs are the enemies of India, they
are all Khalistanis (just as Muslims are all Pakistanis). This belief
took such roots in the mind of the majority that they could turn a blind
eye to savage killings right under their noses. By looking the other
way, the majority community lent an implicit support to the anti-Sikh
violence and the reason behind it was the carefully cultivated hostility
against the Sikhs in the mass mind. While it is true that the police,
the administration and the Congress party members were involved in the
violence right from start to finish, had the Hindus at large come out in
sizeable numbers to counter the mobs, it would never have happened. Even
the help lent by individual Hindus made a big difference in saving the
lives of thousands of Sikhs. Collectively, the Hindus could have saved
many thousands more.
Another factor that seems to have played a big role
in the anti-Sikh violence is jealousy. A predominant part of the
community lives in Punjab, which, with its fertile land, has made its
people economically much more forward than the rest of the country. The
prosperous state of the Sikh community apparently played a significant
role in arousing violence. There are hundreds of people who took part in
the violence, lured by the booty that could be had from the shops and
houses of Sikhs. Of course, the mobs could not distinguish between the
prosperous and the poor Sikhs because there was no time or mind for
making such distinctions. So, they took a pot-shot at every Sikh.
To conclude, I would way that this new chapter in the
history of free India, written in the blood of Sikhs, born to be the
defenders of Hinduism (a role they performed with aplomb) is the biggest
blotch on our nation. It is not the material poverty line under which
lie the living dead of India that should shame us as mush as the poverty
line of humanity under which the whole nation lives. The genocide of
5,000 Sikhs and the subsequent callousness with which the whole system
has treated the issue exposes, like nothing else, the utter mental and
spiritual poverty of the Indian people.
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