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Bhupinder Singh Mahal
"A little fire is quickly trodden out Which, being suffered, rivers
cannot quench"
- Shakespeare [Henry VI]
In 1949 George Orwell were to look into the dark depths of man’s nature
to choreograph an imaginary world half a century down the road. His
visualization of the ills of a totalitarian state that were to plague
his world in 1984 was a dire warning. Who would have guessed that the
political abuses penned by George Orwell in his premonitory novel would
have become articles of faith for Mrs. Indira Gandhi and her government
who would translate the ominous nightmare scenario that Orwell so feared
onto their Indian landscape in that very same year.
1984 were to turn the real world of each and every Sikh topsy-turvy.
Like Orwell’s hero, Winston Smith, the Sikhs, too, were made to pay a
heavy toll for airing their grievances and asserting their rights. Like
Smith they were no match for an unjust and unfeeling government intent
upon not only to break them physically and to bring them to fall on
their knees but to "root out their independent mental existence and
their spiritual dignity".
Now who would have thought that a year beginning with a promising hope
of an accommodation by Mrs. Gandhi of Akali Dal’s Anandpur Sahib
Resolution will have, in a twinkling melted into a cataclysmic outrage,
in early June, at Amritsar, Sikhdom’s holiest city? As if driving a
stake through the heart of Sikhism was not enough, Hindu citizenry were
whipped into a catatonic stupor by Congress (I) leadership, in November
1984, and let loose to hunt down Sikhs in the streets and by-lanes of
Delhi, Bombay, Kanpur and other towns and cities of India.
II
MRS. GANDHI STOOPS TO CONQUER
"All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny...To inherit a
government, is to inherit the people, as if they were flocks and herds"
- Thomas Paine
In the eyes of the Sikhs the 1984 ‘Bluestar ‘attack on the Golden Temple
remains an unforgivable sacrilege. Even outsiders, given the benefit of
hindsight, see it as a crazed act. The wickedness of the planners lies
bared by the date selected for the launching of the attack. A date in
June of great religious significance on the Sikh calendar commemorating
the sacrifice of the beloved Guru Arjun Dev. A day sure enough to draw
thousands upon thousands of Sikh pilgrims from every where. By penciling
in that particular date, in June 1984, the planners betrayed their
intent of wanting to inflict so large a number of casualties that would
sufficiently demoralize the Sikh community. The military action, so
claimed Mrs. Gandhi and her mandarins, were solely aimed at reasserting
political authority over the Golden Temple complex, nothing more.
The military action was brought to pass by the northern Hindus who
wished to exact vengeance from the Sikh militants, headquartered in
Golden Temple complex, whom they accused of mounting a systematic
campaign of terror killing hundreds of their brethren; and, their
frenzied calls were reaching Mrs. Gandhi, and her cabal, loud and clear.
Elite military garrisons were mobilized and a tight military cordon was
thrown around the temple surroundings, manned by thousands upon
thousands of veteran soldiers supported by heavy armour, tanks and the
state-of-the-art weaponry, all in a set-battle array meant to inflict an
overwhelmingly disproportional force that will destroy anything that
moved.
But, Mrs. Gandhi, herself, repeatedly downplayed the military adventure
by insisting that the operation was directed solely at seeking the
ouster or surrender of the Sikh-militants from the precincts of the
Golden Temple. This was humbug - given that there were no signs of a
quarantine net being thrown around the Golden Temple complex for the
interdiction of food, provisions and arms, which is what you must do if
ouster or surrender were on the cards. But Mrs. Gandhi was very adept at
saying one thing for public consumption while privately hatching more
sinister plots.
What had brought into being such a sad state of affairs? For starters,
Mrs. Gandhi had nursed a grudge against the Sikhs, especially the Akali
leadership, whom she had blamed for her 1977 electoral defeat. On
retaking the nation’s helm, in 1980, all the harboured ill-will she had
were translated into a strategy to play tough in any and all
negotiations dealing with the Sikhs and Punjab. While the Akalis were at
the time in disarray, not so Mrs. Gandhi who was hell bent to render
them powerless once and for all.
In seeking to destroy the Akalis, Mrs. Gandhi’s strategy, according to
Patwant Singh, were to draft "a Sikh with a magnetic and mesmerizing
personality whose extravagant utterances (of an exaggerated Hindu threat
to the Sikh faith) would wean the Sikhs away from the moderate Akalis."
To do her bidding she were to rely on the old campaigner, Zail Singh, a
person as crafty as herself. Like Cassius, though not as lean, he was no
less mean and selfish. This conspiratorial nexus were to hatch a
Machiavellian plot to confound the Sikhs. At the centre of their plot
was their protege, Bhindranwale who were to take stage and, in the words
of Patwant Singh, he were to "become a turbulent presence in Punjab."
Punjab was never ever to be the same again. When and why Bhindranwale
turned his back on his sponsors is a story in itself, but doubt there is
none that he were to escalate the nature, shape and intensity of Sikh
militancy. What was disturbing was not so much that he was the one to
throw the gauntlet, but that he were to conduct himself as Caesar and
Plato rolled into one, holding durbar in the Golden Temple precincts,
issuing edicts and dishing out his own brand of justice.
By Vaisakhi 1984 the political situation had worsened and with the near
collapse of civilian authority in Amritsar Mrs. Gandhi chose her June
’84 date to launch the Bluestar operation. It was a plot conceived by an
imperious leader whose I-can’t-do-anything-wrong attitude came to be
reflected in her government’s excessive ethnocentric overbearance. In
the words of Ken Ringle, a Washington writer, it is " the classical
temptation of mortals who, finding themselves garbed in the unaccustomed
robes of leadership, start imagining themselves invulnerable and so
tempt the fates". Think of Hitler, Stalin, Idi Amin (Uganda), "Papa Doc"
Duvalier (Haiti), Efrain Rios Montt (Guatemala), Pinochet (Chile), Jorge
Videla (Argentina), and, in recent times, Slobodan Milosevic (Balkans),
and one finds that the Gandhis (Indira and Rajiv) are not far behind in
succumbing to hubris by believing that they are uniquely blessed by God
and destiny.
III
MRS. GANDHI’S LEGIONS RUN AMUCK
"There is a pleasure sure In being mad which none but madmen know."
- John Dryden, The Spanish Friar
A match-stick packs a power for good and evil. It does good when used to
light a fire to cook a meal. But, it is an instrument of evil in the
hands of an arsonist. The army is just like a match-stick, a latent
power, which in the hands of a prudent leader will defend the honour and
integrity of the realm; but in the hands of a mean and an impudent
leader it may be turned into a killing machine. Which is precisely what
the arrogant Mrs.. Gandhi did in June 1984 to crush the Sikh agitation
in Punjab.
What protocol were followed by Mrs. Gandhi to deploy the Army remains a
secret but it is clear that there is no record of the local authorities
having placed a requisition for intervention by the army to bring peace
and order in turbulent Amritsar during 1983-84. The word making the
rounds says that several months earlier ‘Bluestar’ was rehearsed using
an exact replica of the Golden Temple complex. Such a staging presumes
not only that it were blessed by Mrs. Gandhi, the head of state, but
also that it was a forethought action. That the army were to mount a
purely military operation, and so named, on its own populace is unheard
of in any civilized democracy. Again, Bluestar operation was unique for
another deviation from the norm. For example, the field commanders
chosen to supervise Bluestar were Sikhs (Maj. General K.S. Brar and Lt.
General R.S. Dayal) whereas the soldiers serving under them were mostly
Hindus. The fact that Sikh officers were ready and willing to attack the
temple were seen as giving legitimacy to the venture, a perverted
illusion. The use of mostly Hindu soldiers, whose faith differed from
and sometimes clashed with Sikhism, were to free them from being
burdened by religious considerations in using full force. In keeping
with the dictums of the Sikh faith, the Army vowed not to desecrate the
holy precincts by soldiers treading the grounds in boots and bared
heads, but photographs taken during and following Bluestar show
otherwise.
IV
To date, the only accounting of Bluestar from someone actually involved
in the operation is the written record in Maj. General K.S. Brar’s book,
"Operation Bluestar; the True Story". Brar’s version has been severely
criticized by several political analysts. One such challenger is Brig.
Manmohan Singh Virk (Retd.) who in his review ("Black Spots in the
General’s Bluestar") of Brar’s book, wonders why the General failed to
address compelling counter evidence such as "the linkages involved in
the rise of Sant Bhindranwale, allowing weapons into the Golden temple
even when it had been sealed and surrounded by CRPF Units for over a
year, and the build up of a situation where the use of the Army could be
legitimized, the Constitutional Akali demands, tortuous course of
negotiations between the Akalis and Indira Gandhi, and how, on two
occasions, these were aborted after an agreement had been reached; of
disinformation on Punjab which twisted the content of the problem from
Constitutional to communal - including the stage-managed discovery of a
cow’s tail and ears in Durgiana Temple and the cigarette butts in the
Golden Temple in 1983."
Brig. Manmohan Singh Virk believes that the Bluestar was a "devious"
plot since it ignored other more appropriate, and less lethal, measures.
He feels that, " Given the quantum of Army deployed in Punjab, the
terrain, easy observation, and prevention of movement, and the narrow
and congested city lanes, there could be no serious interference with
the Operation, were it to be a siege." His accounting of the July 1984
meeting presided over by COAS, attended by top Army brass, is indeed
illuminating. When, at one juncture, General Sundarji, Chief of Army, is
quoting the casualty figures of the terrorists and the civilians killed
and wounded, Lt. General Bhupinder Singh, then GOC-in-C of Central
Command, were to ask "how many of those killed were terrorists" to which
Gen. Sundarji were to reply "practically all of them." Unsatisfied with
the answer, attendee Brig. Manmohan Singh Virk were to ask follow-up
questions, which Q & A tells a story of its own:
Brig. Virk: Sir, how did you determine who is a terrorist and who is
not?
Gen. Sundarji (losing his cool) : What the hell do you want to find out?
Brig. Virk: Just the answer to the question I have asked.
Gen. Sundarji: They were there, they got killed.
Brig. Virk: I am afraid that does not answer my question.
Gen. Sundarji: The number of weapons recovered and the number of persons
killed were about the same
Brig. Virk: I am afraid this still does not answer my question
Gen. Sundarji: What the hell could we have done? The bodies had
petrified.
Brig. Virk: Sir, it may be in the Army’s long-term interest to say we do
not honestly know how many of them were terrorists.
According to Brig. Manmohan Singh Virk, "the Army had no idea of how
many militants were inside the Golden Temple", a statement when measured
against the report of a journalist that weapons were added to the arms
cache recovered, reveals that Army brass not only exaggerated the number
of terrorists killed but that the Operation itself was ill-conceived and
poorly executed.
General Sundarji’s prevarication is understandable. In what god’s name
could he justify killing thousands of innocent pilgrims, looting of
valuable Sikh relics and torching original historical documents? That he
was an instrument to do Mrs. Gandhi’s evil bidding is crystal clear. He
should have known better and taken the high ground even if it meant his
disobeying the immoral summons - as called for by the judgement at
Nuremberg.
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