(A) General
In 1912 the province of Delhi was carved out and was placed in the
administrative charge of a Chief Commissioner. In 1952 Delhi became a
Part 'C' State and with effect from November 1, 1956, by the Seventh
Amendment Act of the Constitution, Delhi became a Union Territory and
came to be administered by the President through an Administrator
appointed under sub-Article (1) of Article 239 of the Constitution
---initially designated as Chief Commissioner and later Lieutenant
Governor. Under Article 239A Parliament has authority by law to create,
for certain Union Territories, a body to function as its legislature but
Delhi is not covered and for its administration , Parliament has enacted
the Delhi Administration Act, 1966, under which detailed provisions have
been made for the carrying on of the administration. Section 27(3) of
the Delhi Administration Act provides:
"The functions of the Administrator with respect to law and order in
Delhi , including organisation and discipline of the police force and
with respect to such other matters as the President may time to time
specify in this behalf, shall be exercised by him in his discretion".
Section 30 of the Act further provides:
"Notwithstanding anything in the Act, the Administrator and the Members
of the Executive Council shall be under the general control of and
comply with such particular direction, if any , as may from time to time
be given by the President."
In consonance with the provisions of the Act , Rules of Business have
been framed. Maintenance of law and order subject to the control of the
Central Government is thus a matter vested in the Lt. Governor to be
exercised in his discretion.
On October 31, 1984, Shri P.G. Gavai was the Lt. Governor. Delhi has a
Commissioner of Police as the head of the police establishment and at
the relevant time Shri S.C. Tandon, IPS, held that post. The Union
Territory has a large chunk of urbanised area under municipal
administration and the remaining part which is rural is divided into two
tehsils - Delhi and Mehrauli. The entire Union Territory is one revenue
district in charge of a District Magistrate. By 1984, the Union
Territory had been divided into five police districts, each being called
a Range in charge of a Deputy Inspector General of Police (later, Addl.
Commissioner of Police). For administrative convenience, an officer of
the rank of Addl. District Magistrate came to be in charge of each of
these five districts (now six - with New Delhi having become a separate
unit). In October/November 1984, Shri R. S. Sethi, a member of the
Indian Administrative Service, was the District Magistrate.
There are several Addl. Commissioners of Police earmarked for specific
purposes such as Administration, Headquarters, Range etc. Below the
Deputy Commissioner of Police in every Range there are Asstt.
Commissioners of Police. The Union Territory of Delhi was then divided
into 63 Police Stations. Each police station is in charge of a Station
House Officer of the rank of Inspector and to every such police station
are attached a number of Sub-Inspectors, Asstt. Sub-Inspectors, Head
Constables and Constables.
From the census figures of 1941 it appears that the Union Territory had
a population of 9,17,939 while the city of Delhi had a population of
6,95,686. There was a rapid escalation in the population following
partition of India and independence. The census figures of 1951, 1961,
1971 and 1981 are given below:
YEAR |
URBAN |
RURAL |
1951 |
14,47,134 |
3,06,938 |
1961 |
23,59,408 |
2,99,204 |
1971 |
16,17,023 |
4,18,675 |
1981 |
57,68,200 |
4,32,206 |
The Sikh population in Delhi suddenly increased following the partition
of the country and as per the 1981 census, the Sikh population of Delhi
was 3,93,921 which works out to 6.33% of the total population of Delhi .
The urban area has in recent years greatly spread out . Many outlying
villages have come into the urban belt . Though there has been a swift
rise in the population as also in the territorial belt and with
urbanisation , criminal activity has increased and need for police
control has also become more and more pressing , commensurate expansion
of the police is said to have not taken place.
There exists acute problem of residential accommodation within the urban
area though with development activity to build more of accommodation the
city's urban canvas has expanded and lots of new accommodation have been
and are coming up . Since building activity is not commensurate , even
people belonging to the middle income groups do not find residential
accommodation for themselves . Thousands of people come to Delhi in
search of employment . The acute shortage of accommodation has led to
the appearance of jhuggis in and around all possible places .
Notwithstanding constant vigil exercised by the Delhi Development
Authority as also the Municipal Corporation , unauthorised constructions
come up every now and then and Jhuggies in due course get regularised as
authorised colonies . The existence of jhuggis with their poverty
striken and underfed people in close proximity of multi-storeyed modern
fashionable buildings with the rich section of the society often gives
rise to peculiar problems. Incompatibility in the living process between
the two classes of people brings about in the poor section a sense of
frustration and generates a sense of hatred as also a lust for the
property of the well-to-do. In recent years respect for human life has
been fast vanishing. Fear of, and regard for, law are also reduced.
Moral convictions have perished. There is, therefore, anxiety to avail
every opportunity by the jhuggi dwellers to cut the rich to size.
For more than a decade there has been consistent demand for augmenting
the police force of Delhi. When the Delhi Police Act, 1978 was enacted
to build up a vitalised police force the demand was examined in
departmental records and a good number of conferences and debated as a
basic issue. There was, however, no positive outcome of these exercises.
In recent years, in and around Delhi, there has been sizeable growth of
industrial activity. Industrialisation has brought about increase of
industrial labour and with it has come more of criminal activity. The
criminal population within Delhi has also been on the increase day by
day. Hardly a day passes free from criminal incidents. Broad daylight
looting of Banks, killing of men, stabbing of persons, burning of
brides, commission of suicides and a wide range of other criminal
activities appear to have become a part of the daily normal routine of
life in this region. There used to be regular police beats which on
account of pressure of work have been abandoned for some time.
(B) Incidents
(i) October 31, 1984:
Around 9.20 a.m., two Sikh security guards fired upon Prime Minister Smt.
Indira Gandhi at 1, Safdarjung Road, her official residence. She was
hurriedly removed to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences for
medical attention. This information spread like wild fire. Thousands of
residents of Delhi started gathering at the AIIMS. By the time the
Commissioner of Police reached the AIIMS at 10.05 a.m. , the crowd was
swelling up on the Aurobindo Marg outside AIIMS and the South District
Police under the Deputy Commissioner of Police had become busy making
arrangements to keep the AIIMS Complex clear and free. By 1 p.m. the
crowd at the AIIMS had swelled up to well above 30,000. The exact
condition of Smt. Gandhi was not being disclosed to the mob which was
gradually becoming impatient. By the afternoon the newspapers, however,
started publicising that Smt. Gandhi had succumbed to her injuries and
doctors had failed to resuscitate her to life. CJC asked for production
of certain newspapers which the Commission directed to be called for.
References to some of them are made here. The Indian Express Editor has
informed the Commission in answer to an interrogatory suggested by CJC:
"The second Special Supplement was issued around 1 or 1.15 p.m. under
the banner heading : Mrs. Gandhi assassinated."
The Hindustan Times brought about a Special Supplement with the headline
" Indira Gandhi is dead. "
The Statesman in answer to the interrogatory has replied:
"Second edition at about 1.45 p.m. --- Mrs. Gandhi was no more. It is
feared....."
A Special edition was brought out at about 3.15 p.m. announcing of Smt.
Gandhi's assassination.
Between 2 and 3 in the afternoon sporadic incidents started taking
place. Initially these were confined to shouting of slogans against the
Sikhs calling them as traitors, pulling out Sikh passengers from buses
and manhandling them. Additional Commissioner of Police Jatav says, by
2.30 p.m. he received information of trouble in South Delhi of pelting
of stones and assault on Sikhs.
Police Commissioner Tandon has stated that around 12.30 p.m. he had been
called to the Prime Minister's residence by M/s Fotedar and V.S.
Tripathi. There the Lt. Governor was also present. He was advised to
look after the security and to keep the roads around the Prime
Minister's residence clear. At that point of time it was felt that the
body of the Prime Minister would be brought from the AIIMS to her
residence. Around 4 p.m. Police Commissioner Tandon was told that there
would be delay in release of the body. Shri Rajiv Gandhi was then away
in West Bengal and appears to have returned to Delhi in the later half
of the afternoon. By about 5.30 p.m. the President who was away from
India returned and straight drove to the AIIMS from Palam. The
Presidential cavalcade appears to have been attacked by some persons out
of the angry mob still waiting at the AIIMS and some of the vehicles
were damaged by throw of stones. Around that time trouble started in
Jorbagh and INA Market areas. Vehicles of Sikhs started being stopped
and their turbans were removed and set on fire. By the evening time mobs
collected at several places had started stopping transport vehicles as
also scooters, motor-cycles and cars either driven by Sikhs or in which
Sikhs were found travelling. The initial shout of condemnation of Sikhs
began to take a serious turn. Some of the mobs were only of hoodlums,
others were groups of people of different ages. By the evening from
different areas several reports of taxis and transport vehicles of Sikhs
being set on fire started pouring in.
It is a fact that the Press Trust of India had sent the following
message at 10.54 hours on that day:
"Among the assailants were two Sikhs and one clean shaven Sikh ,
unofficial reports said. "
When in the evening news of her death was published, the fact that
assailants were Sikh guards was stated. During the night the crowds
increased and started moving from place to place. The houses
owned/occupied by Sikhs were identified. Free and open threats were
administered to members of that community wherever they were found.
Several incidents of brutal physical assault took place.
Soon after the occurrence in the morning the Home Secretary had issued
wireless messages to all the States, including the Delhi Administration
, alerting them against apprehended trouble. On the basis of such alert,
Additional Commissioner of Police, Shri R.K. Ohri ¸had sent out wireless
messages to all Distt.Deputy Commissioners of Police to the following
effect:
"You are advised to intensify patrolling and strengthen police presence
in communally sensitive areas, especially near Gurudwaras, Temples,
Mosques, etc. and keep a sharp look out for mischief mongers. Special
attention may also be paid to the safety of vital installations.
Necessary steps may be taken to curb any rumour -mongering and effective
action taken against those spreading rumours. Similarly, watch may be
kept on known bad characters and goondas. All Distt. DCPs may also
maintain in reserve for meeting any unforeseen situation."
The then Home Secretary, Shri M .M .K. Wali has told the Commission that
between 11 and 11.30 a.m. of that day he had talked to the Lt. Governor
as also the Commissioner of Police to ensure that the situation should
be watched with great care and caution. It appears from his evidence
that the Home Minister, the Cabinet Secretary and the Principal
Secretary to the Prime Minister were away from Delhi at that time. These
people returned to the capital between 3 and 3.30 p.m. This statement of
the then Home Secretary has been supported by Lt. Governor Gavai.
Police Commissioner Tandon has stated that in his opinion prohibitory
orders under section 144, Cr. P.C. were adequate to meet the situation
as it prevailed on October 31, 1984, and he, therefore, did not take any
other action excepting promulgation of prohibitory orders and asking for
deployment of the police force to enforce it. There were as many as 119
incidents on October 31, 1984 , to which reference has been made before
the Commission. These happened in different parts of Delhi and were of
the nature and pattern already indicated. Several affidavits filed
before the Commission refer to these incidents. For instance, a
reference to the affidavits of Smt. Ravinder Kaur (no. 2778) goes to
show that her husband who was driving truck No. 755 was killed in
Shahdara area during the night of October 31, 1984. The death
certificate appended to the affidavit shows that the killing took place
near a petrol pump in Bhajanpura area in the early morning hours of
November 1, 1984. This clearly indicates that killing of people had
started during the night of October 31, 1984, as found by the
Commission.
From the evidence produced it appears that 13 Gurudwaras were attacked
on 31st October , being Shri Guru Singh Sabha Gurudwara at Naraina, the
Gurudwara at Sagarpur, Shri Guru Singh Sabha Gurudwara at Lajpat Nagar,
the Gurudwara at Sheikh Sarai, the Gurudwara at Defence Colony, the
Gurudwara at Gandhi Nagar, Kalgidhar Singh Sabha Gurudwara at R.K.Puram,
Shri Guru Singh Sabha Gurudwara at R.K.Puram, Shri Guru Singh Sabha
Gurudwara at Sarojini Nagar, Shri Guru Singh Sabha Gurudwara at Lodhi
Colony, Baba Budha Singh Gurudwara at Prem Nagar and Gurudwara Sikh
Sangat at Green Park Extension, South Delhi. The material on record
shows that attack on these Gurudwaras started by sunset time and
continued till about 11 p.m.
These incidents of October 31, 1984 appear to have been taken by way of
involuntary reaction of a deep sense of grief, anguish and hatred for
the assassins. There can be no scope to contend, and much less to
accept, that at the initial stage on October 31, 1984, the violence that
took place was organised. October 31, 1984, began with a usual autumn
morning and no one had any reason to apprehend that such an ugly and
unfortunate incident would take place. The killing came as a bolt from
the blue and took everyone unawares. Smt. Gandhi's body had been
received at the AIIMS and the fact that she was dead had not been
disclosed. Though some people knew that she was dead, most of the
population living in different areas has not come to know of the fact of
death till evening. It is in such a background that the initial
incidents started taking place. These, therefore, appear to the
Commission to be spontaneous reaction of the people to the then
prevailing situation at the commencement but as the police did not
attend to the situation and failed to make a proper assessment of what
was brewing, what began as an innocent reaction to Smt. Gandhi's
assassination developed into one of the darkest tragedies in independent
India's history.
In the Evening News of the Hindustan Times of the 31st , the situation
of that morning was thus described:
"DELHI PEOPLE DAZED"
People in the capital heard in shocked disbelief news of the attempt on
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's life here this morning.
People from all walks of life were dazed on hearing that Mrs. Gandhi had
been shot at and rushed to AIIMS for surgery."
In the November 1, 1984, issue of the Indian Express the situation on
31st October was reported thus
"GLOOM DESCENDS ON CAPITAL"
A pall of gloom descended on the capital as news about the shots fired
at Indira Gandhi spread throughout the city... .... ,
At the offices of the Delhi Pradesh Congress (I) Committee on Kali Bari
Marg and the Delhi Pradesh Youth Congress (I) office on the Talkatora
Road downcast workers sat on the lawns. The All India Congress (I)
Committee office on Akbar Road was placed under close guard and all
visitors were being screened closely.
On Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, where most newspaper offices are located ,
one could see people wiping tears on reading this. Simultaneously the
capital was overtaken with grief.
Many, however, still could not believe this. ' How is it possible ?'
asked an elderly lady, 'only yesterday Indira Gandhi was in Orissa , I
saw her on the television addressing the jawans.'
But as the sun set and darkness descended on the city, a pall of gloom
covered the city and perhaps the country completely. People now began to
believe that Indira Gandhi was dead."
The same newspaper carried the following news dated 31-10-1984:
"The Government late on Wednesday night alerted the Army and called out
the Border Security Force and the Central Reserve Police Force as the
local police failed to control the widespread rioting and arson in
different parts of the capital following the assassination of Indira
Gandhi.
The main targets of the rioting mobs were Sikhs, their property,
vehicles and places of worship. Curfew was imposed in Agartala, Jammu
and Jabalpur while the Army was called out in Agartala and Calcutta as
angry crowds went on the rampage in several parts of the country
protesting against Indira Gandhi's assassination. Incidents of violence
were reported from parts of Tripura, Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal, Uttar
Pardesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Madhya Pradesh, reports P.T.I.
At least 30 Sikhs were admitted to various hospitals in the city
(Delhi). Quite a few have been admitted to the All India Institute of
Medical Sciences alone till 10 p.m. on Wednesday (31st October).
Angry mobs went about setting fire to property belonging to Sikhs,
without any let or hindrance from the police. They set alight two
Gurudwaras in South Delhi, the premises of four transport companies and
two timber stores in the walled city.
At least 50 vehicles including trucks, cars, buses, scooters ,
rickshaws- scooters and motor-cycles were set on fire in different parts
of the city. The maximum damage to vehicles was done in Safdarjung
airport area, Laxmibai Nagar and Vinay Nagar area.
Between 6 and 10 p.m. between the Prime Minister's house on Safdarjung
Road and AIIMS , a vehicle was seen burning every 50 yards. The police
had to delay taking the body from the hospital because of the burnt out
vehicles enroute 1, Safdarjung Road. Around 10.30 p.m. two trucks were
ablaze at the Ring Road Crossing near Kamal Cinema. ' We cannot deal
with the situation of this nature' said Mr. Gautam Kaul, Addl.
Commissioner of Police, New Delhi outside the AIIMS......A mail van
driven by a Sikh was also burnt near Jorbagh. Safdarjung Airport
crossing sometime around 5 p.m. Its burnt out shell was hurriedly
removed to enable the passage of the gun carriage carrying Indira
Gandhi's body.
The Delhi fire department was hard put to combat the spurt of fires in
the city. A fire spokesman late in the evening (of the 31st) said that
they were incapable of handling the situation in the city and perforce
had to let fire rage in the capital.
Mobs of young men armed with steel rods and lathis stopped vehicles all
over the city bragging that they had set many vehicles and places of
worships on fire.
Impotent policemen stood at odd corners looking on helplessly as mobs
went amuck in the walled city setting timber markets and trucks on fire.
Shops belonging to Sikhs were indiscriminately looted....."
This is a long extract of the news item from the Indian Express dated
November 1, 1984. Indisputably the contents were printed in course of
the night of the 1st October and this newspaper was available for
sale/distribution by early morning of November 1, 1984. CJC called for
copies of this newspaper from 1-11-8 to 7-11-84 and upon orders by the
Commission, the management produced them along with their letter dated
18-11-1985.
The news item was a contemporaneous publication and chances of motivated
reporting would not be there. CJC with the obvious intention of relying
on the news coverage called for these issues of the paper. The news
shows in clearest terms that rioting in the proper sense has started in
a very big way in several parts of the city on the 31st evening and
except for killing which came into the process from 1-11-1984, every
other form of attack on Sikhs had begun. The massive scale on which the
operation had started so soon after the fact of death was circulated is
clearly indicative of the fact that it was the spontaneous reaction of
the people at large. The short span of time that intervened would not
have permitted scope for any organising to be done. The gloom that had
spread and affected the Congress-men in particular would not have
permitted any such organisation to be handled. The reaction appears to
have come as a flutter and sparked everywhere in a similar pattern. It
was not confined to States where Congress (I) was in power. West Bengal
and Tripura where C.P. (M) led governments were in office got affected
too. The police was impotent from the very beginning has been clearly
indicated. Their leadership was full of doubts about their capacity is
also apparent. These facts have to be kept in view for drawing of
appropriate conclusions at relevant places.
(ii) November 1, 1984:
On the previous day, apart from proclaiming prohibitory order under
S.144, Cr. P. C. and directing the police to be on the alert and take
such steps to meet the situation as may be necessary, no effective steps
had been taken in the various localities where trouble had either
started or was brewing or was likely to happen. The inaction of the
police at the early stage gave a general impression that it was not
going to interfere with the mob activities. In the early morning of
November 1, 1984, mobs were found on the streets prepared to undertake
looting, arson, assault and even kill. The Commission has already
indicated that on October 31, 1984, itself operation had been undertaken
to identify houses owned or occupied by Sikhs. The mobs that operated on
November 1, 1984, were mostly from the lower strata of society coming
from the jhuggis and the outlying villages. There were, however, several
instances where people of the middle class as also some belonging to the
richer section of the society did participate and even led the mobs. In
many of the affidavits of the victims where the method and modality
adopted by the mobs have been described, it has been clearly stated that
there was a difference in the pattern of the operations carried in the
morning and later in the day. In the morning hours crowds moved out and
ordinarily threatened or terrorised the Sikh population in different
areas, did small scale looting and even caused assaults. When these
illegal activities were carried on by the mobs in certain areas there
was resistance from the side of the Sikhs, particularly were they were
of a sizeable number. The situation in many areas, therefore, became
tense and provocative. In some areas while confrontation of this type
proceeded and members of the Sikh community were beaten up, there had
been casual retaliation. Assault on non-Sikh rioters inflicted by way of
exercise of the right of self-defence was made an issue and was utilised
to provoke the mobs against the Sikhs. From early morning a rumour was
spread throughout Delhi to the effect that the Sikhs had poisoned the
drinking water of Delhi. Obviously this had been done by the miscreants
to create further bias and prejudice against the Sikhs and create apathy
in the minds of the people against Sikhs. From that morning the
miscreants also started spreading another rumour that every train which
came from Punjab side carried dozens of dead bodies of non-Sikhs. This
was an out and out lie but was intended to create the necessary panic
and bring about the proper mood in the people constituting the mobs to
react against the Sikhs. Rumour is one of the cheapest tools in the
hands of the trouble makers either to boost or demoralise and the
gangsters had resorted to such methods.
Later in the day on November 1, 1984, the riotous mobs followed almost a
uniform pattern everywhere. They came well armed with iron rods,
crow-bars, kerosene in containers, inflammable powder, firearms, apart
from lathis and other dangerous weapons. In some areas the kerosene
stockists were made to supply kerosene. The afternoon operations became
dreadful; the houses occupied by Sikhs were initially looted, the left
over material which was either not considered useful for looting or was
difficult to be removed was set on fire. Ordinarily, every male Sikh
found in the house or in the locality was beaten to death. Wherever the
gates of the compounds were closed or the doors were locked from within,
with iron rods and crow-bars as also by use of force these were broken
open. The riotous crowd followed the pattern of burning all the Sikhs
who were either killed or were in the process of dying as a result of
fatal assault and injuries. This obviously was so done to leave no trace
and to make sure that no one that had been injured survived. The
Commission has come across instances where ladies who ran to the rescue
of their husbands or their close male relations were also brutally
assaulted and in some cases were even thrown into the fire in which the
men-folk were already being burnt.
November 1, 1984, appears to have been the worst day during the riots.
When the incidents happened in the early part of the day within a few
kilometer from the Police Headquarters and in areas close to the
administrative establishments, these incidents had not impressed the
machinery that the situation had gone out of control. The Lt. Governor
came to Teenmurti Bhavan around 6.35 a.m. where the dead body of the
late prime Minister was lying in state. After making floral offering he
looked for the Police Commissioner and when they met, he advised that
the Police Commissioner instead of hanging around Teenmurti Bhavan
should move out as there was apprehension of trouble, When the Lt.
Governor suggested that the Army could be called immediately, the
Commissioner of Police was of the view that he should first take a
round, form his own opinion and then only on the basis of his assessment
the decision for calling in the Army should be taken. Around 10 a.m. the
Police Commissioner informed the Lt. Governor on telephone that the
situation was going from bad to worst and that Army help should be asked
for. When the Lt. Governor contacted the GOC, Delhi Area, according to
the Lt. Governor the GOC replied that he had already been alerted but
before the Army could move in he wanted a meeting with the Lt. Governor.
The meeting took place around 1 p.m. The GOC was of the view that the
number of troops available with him could operate only in two contiguous
areas. The Army was ultimately asked to move into South and Central
Delhi and it appears that it had become operational by the evening.
Police Commissioner Tandon in his statement has also accepted the
position that around 10 am after returning to the Police Headquarters he
was of the view that the situation had become worse in several parts of
the city. Addl. Commissioner Jatav has stated that until the evening of
November 1 he had no occasion to feel that the situation was going out
of control.
There was no proper assessment by the police of the grave situation in
the city. The Commission is satisfied from the material placed on record
that on November 1, the law and order situation in Delhi had been left
in the hands of the riotous mobs and the police, as will be presently
discussed, failed to discharge its duty of maintaining law and order. It
is during that night that one of the greatest tragedies of the riot
period took place in the Trilokpuri area. Trilokpuri is part of
Kalyanpuri Police Station. Block 32 of Trilokpuri was being inhabited by
Labana Sikhs mostly belonging to the poorer section of society. In the
earlier part of the day on November 1, an attempt was made to set the
Gurudwara in Block 32 on fire but this attempt had been repelled by the
local Sikh population. In the stone throwing that followed, a local
mosque was somewhat damaged. In the afternoon the Station House Officer
alongwith a police party had visited the area but made no proper
appraisement of the situation nor did he attempt to normalise the
situation by easing the tension. One Head Constable with two other
police constables had been given duty from 8 a.m. till 8 p.m. that day
but they withdrew from the area by 3 p.m. Trilokpuri had no light that
night. Under the cover of darkness the riotous mob fell upon the Sikh
community and almost wiped out everyone. 95 dead bodies were recovered
from the locality. The few that survived were those who had run away
under the cover of darkness and had taken shelter in huts of farm
labourers from Bihar after shaving off their hair and beards.
On November 1, 1984, in several other areas of the city hundreds of
crimes were perpetrated by riotous mobs. Reference to 399 incidents of
various categories has been made in the affidavits and evidence placed
before the Commission. As already pointed out, this was the worst day
during the period of rioting. Three fourths of the persons killed seem
to have perished on this day alone in the hands of the rioters. There is
clear evidence that a common pattern had been followed by big crowds.
Curfew had been clamped in the afternoon. This power was available to be
exercised by the Commissioner of Police. He stated that initially he did
not think curfew to be necessary but later he instructed the Deputy
Commissioners of Police to impose curfew when on their own assessment
they were satisfied that the situation warranted it. There is clear
material on record by way of admission of senior police officers in
their evidence that curfew was not effective in as much as it could not
be strictly enforced. Notwithstanding imposition of curfew, in the
absence of any strict enforcement the crowds moved and operated as
freely as before when there was no curfew.
Throughout the night of November 1, 1984 the riotous mobs carried on
their operations. The Army had not become very effective at the initial
stages as it required magisterial orders for resorting to firing ; in
the absence of proper guidance by officers used to the localities it had
operational inconvenience; the mob taking advantage of the night and
darkness in several areas used to keep away from the main roads and
wider lanes as and when Army vehicles approached and once the vehicles
moved away they collected to carry on their operations again.
In the evening the Prime Minister and a number of opposition leaders
made a joint appeal to the people for restoration of sanity and their
appeal, inter alia stated:
"Nation's unity and integrity must be safeguarded at all costs and this
is the foremost responsibility of every citizen..... To subject Sikhs as
a whole to violence and indignity for what a few misguided persons have
done, however heinous their crime, is most irrational and unbecoming of
our heritage of tolerance, This madness must stop.....From the very
beginning Sikhs have been an inseparable part of India and the Sikh
community has played a glorious role in the freedom struggle and in the
building up of independent India ....."
(iii) November 2, 1984
As already noticed, towards the evening of November 1 the Army had moved
into two Districts, namely, Central and South. One full Brigade reached
Delhi at 6 a.m. on November 2, 1984, another at 8 a.m. and third one at
9 a.m., the fourth Brigade came at 1.15 p.m. and the fifth around 2.30
p.m. These five Brigades had come from Meerut, Roorkee, Shahjahanpur,
Alwar and Punjab respectively, and each Brigade had at least 3,000
soldiers. By evening of November 2, 1984, the Army had moved into almost
every area of Delhi. The presence of Army and regular patrolling made it
difficult for the riotous mobs to freely operate but until evening there
had been a lot of criminal activity carried on in almost every part of
Delhi. The initial difficulty of lack of Magistrates was removed by
providing more Magistrates. Instructions were issued to the Army to fire
in self-defence or when mob committing arson, looting or resorting to
killing was noticed. With the arrival of adequate force and the army
moving about in almost every area, the situation showed signs of
improvement. In the later part of the day on November 2, 1984, a group
of Members of Parliament had met the Prime Minister at his residence.
Lt. Governor Gavai also participated in the meeting. Notwithstanding the
availability of the Army and round the clock movement of columns of it
in affected areas, many incidents occurred during the day.
The Prime Minister described the communal frenzy sweeping the country
following the assassination as disgraceful. In an unscheduled brief
broadcast to the nation he said:
"While hundreds of millions of Indians are mourning the tragic loss of
their beloved leader , some people are casting a slur on her memory by
indulging in acts of hatred and violence. Disgraceful incidents of
arson, loot and murder have taken place. This must stop forthwith. The
Government will ensure the safety of life and property of every citizen
irrespective of his caste, creed or religion.
India Gandhi gave her life so that a united India should live and
prosper. Anything that creates a division between brother and brother
comes in the way of national unity. This violence is only helping the
subversive forces to achieve their ends. Communal madness will destroy
us. It will destroy everything that India stands for. As Prime Minister
of India, I cannot and will not allow this. Tomorrow the mortal remains
of Indira Gandhi will be consigned to sacred flames. She had said, 'Do
not shed blood. Shed hatred' Let this guide us."
The Prime Minister toured some of the affected areas between 1 a.m. and
4.30 a.m. to get a first hand account of the situation in the capital.
(iv) November 3, 1984:
From the evening of November 1, shifting of riot victims to Relief Camps
had started in a small scale. On the November 2 that operation had been
continued. By November 3, several Relief Camps had been set up and with
the assistance of the Army, Police and the voluntary organisations as
also the civil population the rescuing of riot victims continued and
thousands of people from different areas came to life in different
Relief Camps. With the Army units moving about, the morale of the
victims started showing signs of improvement and some of the Sikhs who
had run away from their houses for life started coming back to their own
houses where they found all the property had been looted or removed and
the houses had been set on fire. Most of the people lived in Camps for
another 5-6 days and then started returning. From certain areas like
Trilokpuri where mass killings had taken place the widows were not
prepared to return to those areas and preferred to live in Relief Camps.
Their habitation and living became a problem. By the evening of November
3, 1984 there was further improvement in the situation.
(C) Consideration Of Affidavits
Brief reference may be made to some of the affidavits relating to
incidents of damage to Gurudwaras, killing, arson, looting and assault,
and allegations of miscellaneous nature. The Commission had indicated on
more than one occasion during the proceedings to counsel and parties
that the manner of appreciating evidence collected by it would not be as
done in a criminal trial and every detail in every affidavit was not to
be taken into account to find out whether there was any contradiction
and on that account to discard affidavits. The Commission was interested
in collecting evidence to ascertain the pattern of the occurrences and
for that purpose to have a general view of acceptable material on
record. It is proposed to refer to some of the affidavits relating to
the incidents for the aforesaid purpose.
S. Amrik Singh (no. 2301) was living in West Patel Nagar (Central Distt.).
In his affidavit he indicated:
"After that the mob proceeded to Gurudwara and they threw the holy book
outside, kicked and urinated upon these books. The uprooted Nishan Saheb
(religious flag of Sikhs) and looted the money-chest."
It was an incident of November 1, 1984. S. Angad Singh (no. 2675) of
Rohtak Road (North Delhi) had also referred to an incident of November
1, 1984, with reference to the Gurudwara of his locality. He has stated:
"We saw that some persons were ransacking the Gurudwara and some were
setting it on fire. About 8-9 individuals went to save the Gurudwara.
When we reached there we saw that the crowd numbered about 700/800 and
before we reached the Gurudwara, they had already set the Guru Granth
Sahib and the "Palki Sahib" on fire. And they had ransacked the
Gurudwara also."
S. Ajit Singh (no. 2599) residing at Geeta Colony of Krishna Nagar
Police Station (East Distt.) has referred to the Derababa Jai Singh
Gurudwara. According to him the mob burnt the Gurudwara as a result of
which the entire place was damaged. S. Charanjit Singh (no.2282) was
residing in Lajpat Nagar (South Distt.). On November 1, 1984, according
to him, "at about 10 a.m. a violent mob came to the Gurudwara from the
Ring Road side. I was at home and was told all about it by Sewadar Mehel
Singh who along with his family and the Granthi S. Tarsem Singh was
residing in the rooms of the Gurudwara. There was noise outside the
gurudwara . Hearing this noise the Sewadar and the Granthi came out but
they were requested by the police to go inside and were told that the
police would protect the Gurudwara as also them. When they went inside
their rooms the mob comprising of 1200 to 1500 came near and started
throwing stones. The mob was armed with petrol cans, sariyas, lathis
etc. They collected the durries and the mob put them on fire. They went
upstairs in the main hall and broke the glass door. They also burnt the
holy books, Guru Granth Sahib and threw some of them. They closed the
door of the room of the Sewadar and put it on fire. He was saved by the
Hindu neighbours and shopkeepers." He has further stated:
"They mob went towards the Gurudwara II which is also managed by the
same Committee. The mob also tried to burn it but it was saved by the
Hindu neighbours who have a common wall with the Gurudwara."
In the affidavit of S. Gurcharan Singh (no. 2274), living in Punjabi
Bagh area (West Distt.) it has been stated:
"After sometime, two buses, 2 trucks and one matador stopped in front of
the Gurudwara. Matador came inside and sacks of sugar, wheat and the
tins of ghee etc. were loaded in it. In one truck 400-500 beddings and
in the other cots, one locker containing cash (which could not be
broken), utensils, four golden chanwars, five silver chanwars and other
articles were loaded. All these people had come by the aforesaid
vehicles. Then they started setting the Gurudwara on fire." To save our
lives, we jumped from the back side over a dispensary and ran for our
lives..."
These representative affidavits indicate the manner in which the
Gurudwaras were attacked. The fact that local Hindus protected the Sikh
residents as also their Gurudwaras from the onslaught of the riotous
mobs in some areas is indicative of the fact that the Hindus as such
were not out to damage properties or make an attack on the lives of the
Sikhs. It would, therefore, not be correct to say that Hindus as a
community carried the attack against the Sikhs, their properties and
their places of worship. Many Hindus, as found by the Commission
elsewhere, extended every possible help, even at considerable risk to
themselves, to protect the Sikh interest. It is, however, a fact that
people who constitute the anti-social element among the Hindus as also
some other communities other than Sikhs had participated in the riots.
From the manner of operations carried in the Gurudwaras it is patent
that the real eye was on the property available to be taken away from
the Gurudwaras and simultaneously an attempt was made to damage the
Gurudwaras after defiling the sacred books within them.
Coming to incidents of killing, reference may be made to a few of the
sample affidavits placed before the Commission. In the affidavit of
Balwinder Singh (no. 2331), resident of Basti Sarai Rohilla within North
Delhi, he has said:
"Almost all the Sikhs abandoned the Gurudwara but my aforesaid son was
on the roof of the Gurudwara. Then I saw two Hindus who went to my son
and one of them was Sahab Singh, resident of House no. C/3, Moti Bagh,
Sarai Rohilla, Delhi. They told my son within my hearing that they were
police officials and they caught hold my son from his hair and then
threw him down from the roof. Then both of them came down and Sahab
Singh struck iron rod twice in the head of my son. Many Hindus were
present there. My son fell down. Then they sprinkled kerosene oil on my
son and set him on fire. Sahab Singh was the person who did all this in
my presence...."
The young man threw away his burning clothes and started running. He was
hospitalised where he succumbed to the burns on November 2, 1984. It may
be pointed out that in this affidavit reference to firing by the jawans
of the RPF has been made. According to the deponent, in an unprovoked
way the firing started and continued until the rioters had entered into
the Gurudwara. The deponent appeared before the Commission as a witness
and has supported the same story.
Affidavit of Smt. Prakash Kaur, residing in the Slum Tenement of Garhi
(no. 2340) narrates the killing operations thus:
"On 2-11-1984 at about 4 p.m. about 200 to 300 non-Sikh mob came to kill
me and my family members and attacked us. Door of my house was broken.
At that time my sons Bakshish Singh (28) and Arjan singh (18) and one
Rajinder Singh alias Gudu (28) were taken out from our house no. 192
Block 3, Trilokpuri. My husband was also taken out by the mob from the
said quarter no. 192 where they were hiding for safety, by breaking open
the door of the quarter. They started beating my sons and husband
mercilessly with iron rods and lathies. My son Arjan Singh and Rajinder
Singh alias Gudu were killed on the spot by one Rama, driver, living in
second street from my house in block no. 30, ... Bakshish Singh tried of
save himself and thus run away. He was injured by stones. He fell down,
but he again got up and started running; then he entered into one house
in the area.. He went up the roof of that house. The above mentioned
assailants followed him and then threw him down from the roof and then
they put kerosene on him while he was alive and burnt him alive. My
husband Gurbachan Singh was severely beaten and he was thrown in the
fire, but some persons save his (sic) life."
Yet another incident of killing is available from the affidavit of Smt.
Manmohini Kaur of Mahavir Enclave, Palam Road (no. 2378). It says:
"....Hardly had we come out of our house that the mob attacked our
house. They surrounded my husband and his two younger brothers and
dragged them away. When my father-in-law tried to bolt the door from
inside, then I was inside alongwith my younger son. They forcibly opened
the door and the man who came first near my father-in-law gave a blow
with his sword on my father-in-law's head. My father-in-law asked me to
go away with my younger son. I pleaded with that assailant to kill me
also. That assailant and some other persons took my father-in-law on the
back lane where my husband and his two younger brothers had been dragged
away. I do not know anybody from the mob because all of them were
outsiders... The assailants remained standing there until the victims
fell after getting grievously injured. I went to the place where they
were beaten. They were asking for water. I ran to my house to fetch
water but these persons had taken away the lever of our hand pump. I
begged my neighbours for water. My husband, one of his brothers and my
father-in-law died then and there..."
One more instance of killing is very pathetically described in the
affidavit of Smt. Padmi Kaur (no. 2497), living in Sultan Puri area. The
incident also took place on November 1, 1984, and she narrates:
"After some time the mob arrived, broke open our door and came inside.
They caught hold of my daughter Maina Kaur forcibly and started tearing
her clothes. In her self-defence my daughter also tore their clothes and
also hit them. They tried to criminally assault my daughter. My husband
begged them to let her go. The mob said that they would kill him "Koyi
bhi Sikh ka bacha nahin bachega" (No Sikh son would be spared). They
broke the hands and feet of my daughter and kidnapped here. They
confined her in their home for three days. I know some of the persons in
the mob. Their names are as under:
Ganpat, Hari Om (brother of Gupta), Brahamanand Gupta and Jai Bhagwan
both reside in A-4 . Gupta has a kerosene oil depot, Romesh of B-2 and
Udal resides in A-4 whose house is near the hotel, Ramu known as Bakri
Wala, Mohan who has a cow. Now my daughter Maina Kaur has fallen ill and
has become like a mad girl.
After this the mob attacked my husband Charan singh, son Ashok Singh,
neighbour Balwinder Singh, brothers Inder Singh and Dalip Singh, nephew
Bhajan Singh, brothers-in-law Prem Singh and Dharam Singh and Dharam
Singh's son Anil Singh. The mob used to hit them on heads with lathis
and set them on fire after pouring kerosene oil over them. They had some
kind of powder with them which caught fire when thrown on an object. All
of them died there."
Another description of killing is available in the affidavit of Amrit
Kaur (no. 2630), resident of Mangolpuri area where the incident took
place on November 3,1984. She states:
"On 3rd November, at 4 O'clock in the morning my husband was killed
before my eyes. Firstly, Ram Niwas of Plot No. Y-432 and 431, Mangolpuri
collected Jai Pal, his brother Ram Narain, Puran Dhobi, his brother
Kalwa, Nanu, Satvir Bhangi and Kale Bhangi who stays with him and Mouji
Ram Bhangi, a Bhangi lady who is known by that name.
First of all, Ram Niwas having 2 big iron rods, hit my husband on the
head saying that "Yai sala Wadhawa Singh Hai". The incidents of 1st and
2nd have been explained by my brother Thakur Singh. This incident
pertains to the morning of 3rd at about 4 O'clock which I witnessed my
self. After this, Satvir Bhangi, Mouji Ram, Kala Bhangi, who is my
neighbour, pointed out that he is the bloody Wadhawa and then Puran
Dhobi hit my husband with a sword and his brother Kalwa alias Lala and
Jai Pal 'Brickwala' who lives in Y Block, all these reside in Y Block,
killed my husband before my eyes. After that his body was thrown on a
handcart and my brother Bhajan Singh was ordered to push that. My
brother was also beatern by sticks and later when he could not push the
hand cart, he was also killed and put on the same hand cart and was
burnt together with my husband. Three relative had come to my house, one
of them was killed on 2nd, and the other two which included my uncle
Ladha Singh and the other one was my father-in-law Jassa Singh, were
forcibly taken away by Ram Niwas Khatti, milk vendor of Plot No. Y
431-432 and had burnt them alive. Afterwards Ram Niwas and his
companions tried to rape me."
The last of these representative affidavits relating to killing is of
Jogi Singh (no. 2367) from Kalyan puri area where the incident is said
to have taken place on November 1, 1984. He narrates:
"I went to inform the parents of my Bhanja Jorawar Singh that he had
been killed in Block No. 11, Kalyanpuri. When I was coming after
informing his parents I saw that non-sikh mob has set on fire our
Gurudwara near my house. It was about 7.30 a.m. I ran to my house and my
neighbour Ch. Jagbir Singh asked me to hide myself in his house and I
did so. When the mob had gone away I came out from his house. Similarly
other Sikhs who were hiding in the houses of Hindus nearby also came
out.
At about 4.30 p.m. on 1-11-84, non-Sikh mob of about 2000 to 3000
instigated, motivated and led by Dr. Ashok, Congress (I) Councillor of
the area came there and started attacking the houses of Sikhs. A bus of
my relatives namely, Wazir Singh, Bachan Singh and Mohabat Singh which
was parked near my house was set on fire by them. At that time, I was
hiding in the house of Dal Chand Ration Shop Owner in the area and from
there from the holes I was seeing everything.
Then the mob set on fire the house of Swroop Singh who was living in my
street and Swaroop Singh was brought by Dharam Deo Maji living near my
house and Jai Narain who was earlier living near my house, but had
shifted to Block B at that time, alongwith four five others who can be
identified by me, and he was killed by daggers and then set on fire by
them i.e. Dharam Deo Maji, Jai Narain and others. I saw this incident
myself.
That Wazir Singh was also killed by them in a similar manner by dragging
him from his house. He was killed and burnt by Dharam Deo Maji, Jai
Narain and their 2/3 more companions in the presence of that big mob,
where Dr. Ashok, Congress (I) Councillor was also present and he was
instigating them to kill the Sikhs mercilessly."
Shri Gurcharan Singh (no. 2706) resident of Lajpat Nagar area, presented
a case of arson and looting. He stated:
"At 10.30 a.m. on 1-11-84 a mob led by Shri Himmat Rai (Congress worker)
and brother of Shri T.R. Malhotra Member, MCD and Shri Sain Ditta Mal of
B-1/164 Lajpat Nagar came from Post Office side. The mob was comprising
of 150/200 persons mostly of jhuggi jhoupris and few miscreants from
Lajpat Nagar, New Delhi....The mob was armed with iron rods, petrol
cans, kerosene oil, lathis and some powder, stones etc. and most of the
persons were armed with same type of lathis, iron rods etc. and came
from Post Office side. These rioters were brought in buses which were
parked near S. Avtar Singh's house in E-1st Block. Lajpat Nagar and
these buses were seen by S. Avtar Singh and others and the rioters were
taken by local leaders to Gurudwara ... My own shop, office, Gurudwara
records, cash amount of Rs. 4400/- of Gurudwara, Rs. 3500/- of Singh
Sabha School, records of school, my professional and business papers,
account books were all burnt down. My four Ambassador cars bearing
registration Nos. DLY 473, 474, 475 and DLY 807 were set on fire by the
mob and damaged them. The police party during that time were heard
saying 'Jo kuch ho sakta hai karo' and this police party went away
thereafter."
This deponent was cross-examined by the Delhi Administration at length
and nothing substantial has come out in cross-examination to take away
the effect of his affidavit.
Some allegation of molestation of young ladies has been made in a few
affidavits. None of the deponents who was cross examined adverted to
this aspect. The Investigating Agency did pursue this matter but no
evidence of dependable nature could be obtained. The Commission, keeping
in view the quality of the people involved in the operations, would not
have been surprised to come across a few incidents of this type.
An analytical break-up of the affidavits filed by the victims with
reference to various types of incidents police-station wise has been
prepared by the Commission. Similarly, the affidavits have been
classified on the basis of date-wise incidents referred to therein.
These are available in Volume II at pp. 4 -11, Appendix 3 of the Report.
Grievance has been made that even when the injured were taken to
hospitals, at certain places doctors were not available; at others
proper treatment was not provided and at yet others indifference was
shown. Doctors belong to one of the noblest professions in the community
and their professional discipline requires them to save every human life
and make all possible attempts to relieve the suffering without
bothering about caste or community , status or situation of the patient.
Indian doctors with their high spirit and tradition could not have
allowed themselves to be obsessed by the thought that two guards of the
Sikh community had murdered the democratically chosen leader of their
great polity.
There is assertion that some incidents continued to happen even after
the 3rd November but the commission is of the view that the riots had
ended by that date and whatever happened thereafter was of the stray
type and could not be taken to be a part of the riots.
The conclusions of the Investigating Agency in respect of thirty
incidents investigated by it are available in Vol. II Appendix 4, pages
12-18.
(D) Role Played By The Railway Administration
At the instance of the victims, the Northern Railway was called upon to
produce certain documents and answer certain interrogatories. Prof.
Madhu Dandvate, who was and also is now a Member of Parliament, was
travelling by the Rajdhani Express from Bombay to Delhi on November 1,
1984. He filed an affidavti (no. 2641) and was also cross examiend. He
has, in his affidavit, stated:
"When the train reached Mathura Station on the morning of 2nd November,
1984, I found large number of armed police as well as commandos guarding
the station. At this station, some outsiders entered the train.
When the train reached Tughlakabad station on 2nd November morning a
large number of persons carrying iron rods, axes, crow-bars etc. entered
our train. They were searching for Sikh passengers in the train. They
declared that no Sikh will be allowed to leave the train alive. At that
time, I found that some Sikhs in the adjoining compartments were pulled
down by these outsiders carrying weapons. I found two Sikhs killed and
thrown on the platform and then their dead bodies were set on fire on
the platform. The police standing on the platform made no efforts to
prevent either the killing or burning of the Sikhs.
After some time I found a railway employee in blue uniform and who was a
Sikh came out from the Station Master's Office. He was immediately
surrounded by a crowd of outsiders assembled on the platform and the
Sikh employee was killed on the spot.
The train halted at the Tughlakabad station for more than 4 hours. The
outsiders who had stormed the train had spread the rumour that area of
Ashram Marg on way to New Delhi was surrounded by Sikhs and if the train
moved towards New Delhi Station every Hindu in the train was likely to
be attacked by the Sikhs. Frightened by these rumours, many persons in
the train and particularly women, asked the train authorities not to
move the train further.
I then contacted the Station Master and asked him to find out from the
New Delhi Station whether there was any disturbance on the route from
Tughlakabad to New Delhi. When found that the route was safe and that
there was no disturbance at all, I came back to the train and addressed
passengers in a number of compartments assuring them that there was no
disturbance on the route and if they keep the doors of the train closed
so that no outsiders enter the train , the Rajdhani Express could reach
the New Delhi Station safely . On the demand of the passengers I
requested the police authorities to post an armed policeman in every
alternate compartment. On doing this the passengers allowed the train to
move forward and ultimately the train reached safely at New Delhi
Station."
He further stated in the affidavit that he discovered at least 3 more
dead bodies of Sikhs lying in various compartments. He was of the view
that " the murders of the Sikhs and burning of their dead bodies at the
Tughlakabad Station could have been definitely prevented if police at
the station were not to remain passive spectators of the gruesome acts
of the hooligans who had come from outside the station." His affidavit
and his statemement in cross examination make it clear that at Mathura
which is in the State of Uttar Pradesh, the Commandos and the police
parties were ready for action when the train came on the platform. He
himself stated that the situation at Tughlakabad was very different. In
his reply to a question by the Commission he stated:
"The police party which was standing at the foot of the over-bridge was
a group of tacit spectators. No attempt was made to extinguish the fire
with which two bodies were being burnt."
The evidence given by Prof. Dandvate makes several aspects clear. At
Mathura advance care had been taken before the train came on to the
platform to ensure that nothing went wrong while at Tughlakabad which is
within the Union Territory of Delhi no such arrangement was made and the
police became silent spectators when the murders took place. Nothing has
been brought out in the cross examination of Prof. Dandvate to discard
his affdavit. The Commission take note of the fact that Prof. Dandvate
is a Member of Parliament and was once upon a time Minister for Railways
and there is absolutely no justification to disbelieve his evidence.
Seven First Information Reports available on record have been taken note
of in the written arguments of DSGMC. Many of these are by Railway
employees.
FIR 355/84 is dated November 1, 1984 and appears to have been lodged at
12.30 p.m. The informant is one Rameshwar Dayal, Booking Clerk at
Tughlakabad Railway Station. The exact narration is thus:
"At about 12.30 p.m. Bombay Janta train stationed at Railway Station
Tughlakabad from Mathura. In the meanwhile a mob of about 300-350 nearby
villagers holding batons, lathis, iron rods in their hands came to the
Railway Station and after cornering the stationed train from all sides
started dragging out the travelling Sikh passengers and started beating
them with batons, lathis and iron rods and raised the slogans as 'Jan se
mar do, katal kar do'. Some of these village youths were holding
kerosene oil in their hands and started setting fire to the injured Sikh
passengers. Because these passengers were already injured a lot that is
why they could not run here and there. Like this the gang of village
youths set fire to about 25/26 Sikh passengers by spraying kerosene oil
on them. These passengers expired due to manhandling and the spraying of
kerosene oil on them, whose half burnt dead bodies are lying here and
there on the Railway Station, Tughlakabad and on the railway track."
FIR No. 357 on 2-11-84 lodged at 10 a.m. was by the Guard of 25 Dn.
Bombay-Amritsar Deluxe. This train for want of signal clearance was
forced to stop at Tughlakabad Railway Station. It was alleged that 2000
men surrounded the train, removed its hosepipes and made it immobile.
The men armed with lathis, sticks and iron rods pulled out the Sikh
passengers, thrashed them mercilessly and set them on fire. When the
police came the mob ran away. The train left Tughlakabad around 1.27
p.m. and reached Delhi at 2.05 p.m. 8 dead bodies were recovered at that
place from the compartments.
FIR No. 356 lodged at the New Delhi Railway Station at 7 a.m. on 2-11-84
on the basis of a memo sent by the Asstt. Station Master, Delhi
Kishanganj with reference to the incident at Nangloi Railway Station,
reads thus:
"Please arrange to remove 12 dead bodies lying on platform at Nangloi to
avoid panic. Also arrange armed force to protect staff and station.
Heavy mob collected in and around Railway Station. Staff not in a
position to perform duties."
It is clear from these as also the other FIRs where similar allegations
have been made that no arrangements were made for protecting the
passengers either in running trains or when trains stopped at Railway
Stations - being authorised or unauthorised stoppages. If proper care
had been taken and the police had remained active and played even the
normal role of policemen, as Prof. Dandvate has told the Commission,
nothing untoward was likely to have happened. The Commission takes note
of the difference in the arrangements at Mathura Junction in UP and
different stations within the Union Territory of Delhi. Whether it be
RPF, Govt. Railway Police or Delhi Police, all appear to have become
indifferent within the Union Territory.
From the answer to the interrogatories given by the Railway
Administration it is clear that 46 trains were forced to make
unauthorised halts either at Railway Stations where such trains had no
stoppage or outside station areas. Some of these trains were long
distance ones while others were local trains. It appears that armed men
came by these trains and moved into Delhi. At convenient places they got
down within the Union Territory to carry on riotous activities by
stopping those trains. Obviously, when information spread that riots
were taking place in Delhi, disturbed conditions prevailed, lot of
looted property was available; gangsters from outside got attracted,
found the situation inviting and moved into the city. The Railway
Administration has also given information that hundreds of Delhi bound
trains were cancelled/terminated at different places - station or
otherwise- during the riots. From the dates given in regard to the
unauthorised stoppage of trains and the termination of trains it is
clear that unauthorised stoppages took place on 1-11-84 and a small part
of the 2nd. Cancellation/termination of train services in regard to
several trains was done from 2nd afternoon. What was done on 2nd
afternoon should possibly have been done from 1st afternoon because by
then on account of the proximity of the Headquarters, the Railway
authorities should have come to know as to exactly what was happening.
The claim of the Railway authorities that the RPF handled the situation
properly and rose to the occasion does not appear to be a fact. If the
RPF along with local police had worked properly these events would not
have happened. The protection provided with the intervention of Prof.
Dandvate should have been provided in the trains operating from 31st
afternoon without being asked for. In that event also these casualties
would not have happened. This appears to be a case of negligence and
want of assessment of the situation on the part of the Railway
Administration.
(E) Death At Delhi
The Government disclosure in Parliament took the number of killings at
Delhi to 2146. Before the Commission the Delhi Administration filed a
list of persons upon whose death payment of compensation had been
admitted and given to the next of kin. The number of such persons was
disclosed as 2212.
The Commission called upon the parties-victims as also the
Administration-to produce a detailed list of persons killed during the
riots. Several extensions were given to both sides. It is only when the
Commission insisted that the list should be filed and no extension would
be granted and if necessary adverse inference would be drawn, the CJC
filed a list on March 31, 1986 showing the total number of deaths to be
3870. The Delhi Administration later filed a statement before the
Commission admitting the number of deaths during the riots to be 2307.
Between the initial disclosure of deaths in Delhi as made in Parliament
and latest figure give by the Delhi Administration , there is a
difference of 161.
At the foot of the list supplied by the CJC there has been a little
arithmetical exercise. The grand total has been shown as 3949 out of
which there has been a deduction of 149 on the ground of duplication and
again 70 names have been added. This is how the figure of 3870 has been
reached. There still appears to be an arithmetical error in the
totalling of the number. The correct number should be 3874.
A copy of the list supplied by the CJC was made over to the Delhi
Administration with a direction that the same may be checked up and
comments as to its correctness or acceptability should be filed. In
compliance with the direction Delhi Administration has filed its
comments along with an affidavit of Shri Bhatia, Joint Secretary (Home).
The First Information Reports in regard to killings at Delhi put the
figure at 1419. As already stated, the Deputy Commissioner of Delhi who
had verified the claims has later accepted the number of deaths to be
2307. On a comparative basis of the names disclosed in the FIRs and in
the Deputy Commissioner's list, 315 persons whose names appear in the
FIRs do not figure in the Deputy Commissioner's list.
The list given by the CJ C does not contain full names and all the
required particulars for identification. In certain cases, for instance
in respect of Delhi Cantt. Police Station, the total number of deaths
has been shown to be 368 but as a fact only 320 names have been given.
Thus there is no mention of any name for the remaining 48 persons. Again
in the list relating to Police Station Tilak Nagar where deaths have
been shown to be of 67 persons, only 62 names have been disclosed.
Reference to these two Police Stations is illustrative. Possibly, the
Committee may not be blamed for this situation. In fact, a clear cut
investigation into this aspect of the inquiry is not easy. On the basis
of the affidavits the Commission made an attempt to collect the number
of deaths but that again appeared to be both difficult as also
misleading. In many affidavits names of the killed have not been
specified. There are several affidavits which refer to the same deaths.
Again, many deaths are not covered by any affidavits. In such a
situation affidavits do not provide a sound basis for determining the
number of people killed during the riots. It is in evidence that
hundreds of the people so killed were burnt while they were half dead or
while they were in an unconscious state or had already died. The DSGMC
has specified in written arguments names of 73 people who were burnt
alive, 7 who were burnt after they had become unconscious and 13 persons
who were burnt after they have died. There is evidence that hundreds of
charred bodies were recovered. These obviously and also those that had
been burnt were not subjected to postmortem. If postmortem on other dead
bodies had been made the postmortem figure itself would have provided a
sound basis for determining the number of dead people. It is a fact that
Delhi has a lot of floating population and hundreds of Sikh people from
Punjab keep visiting Delhi every now and then on account of proximately
and business activities, sight-seeing and other family necessities.
There have been many affidavits before the Commission where reference to
such visiting, guests to have been affected during the riots has been
made. Similarly, every now and then a number of regular residents of
Delhi go over to Punjab . On the basis of ration cards where the total
number of members of every card holder family is indicated, proper
calculation cannot be made because there are several people residing in
Delhi who are not card holders. There are ghost ration cards in
existence and ration cards also do not reflect the exact number of
people in the family. Many people who had gone over to Punjab did not
return soon after the riots on account of the continuing disturbed
conditions. All these circumstances have made the inquiry for
ascertaining the definite number of people who died difficult. The
number has , however, to be somewhere between 3870 (arithmetically
corrected to be 3874) and 2307 -- the higher figure coming from the
Committee and the lower figure having been admitted by the Delhi
Administration. Placed in this situation , the Commission has not
endeavoured to ascertain the exact number of people who died during the
riots. Simultaneously, it is a fact that the matter cannot be taken as
concluded until the exact number is ascertained by a further inquiry.
Death gives rise to definite consequences and brings in certain
considerations. As already found, the next of kin become entitled to a
compensation of Rs. 20,000; the recommendations of the Commission may
bring about certain other benefits, and if there be a widow or dependent
relations left behind, she is or they are entitled to certain
advantages. It is quite likely that in some cases the next of kin may
not have come forward to raise a claim on the basis of death. The manner
in which the Delhi Administrat ion has been changing the figure by
conceding the claim leads the Commission to accept the position that if
there be a further probe and of a closer type, it is quite likely that
the number may increase. Keeping these aspects in view the Commission
recommends that instead of accepting a definite number as the final
list, the matter should be kept open for further examination where the
number shall not go below 2307 and may not go beyond 3874. But in
between the exact number should be ascertained. The modality for
ascertaining this should be by the appointment of an officer with full
powers to go into the matter and he should give public notice to invite
claims of death within the Union Territory of Delhi during the period of
riots (October 31 to Novermber 7, 1984) by fixing a time for raising of
claims and also a date for finalising the same in accordance with a
procedure behoving the rules of natural justice and the figure should be
determined. As and when any new name is added to the already accepted
list of 2307 by the Delhi Administration, the benefits contemplated in
respect of the dead people should be extended to the next of kin. Since
delay might make the inquiry not beneficial the modality proposed in the
recommendation may be implemented without delay and a time-frame should
be prescribed. |