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Our surmise that during the period under survey the legitimate
authorities were superseded and decision-making powers were assumed by a
few individual Congress (I) leaders, is confirmed not only by the above
mentioned incident, but also the experience of residents in the riot hit
areas. We were told both by Hindus and Sikhs - many among the latter
Congress (I) supporters - that certain Congress (I) leaders played a
decisive role in organising the riots. Residents of Mangolpuri told us
they saw Mr. Ishwar Singh, a Congress (I) Corporator among many others
(their names are given in Annexure - 4) actively participating in the
orgy of violence. All these people were described by the local residents
as lieutenants of the Congress (I) MP from the area- Sajjan Kumar.
Similarly in Anand Parbat, Congress (I) councillors like Bhairava,
Mahendra and Mangat Ram, considered to be loyal followers of the
Congress (I) MP Mr. Dharamdas Shastri, were named as the main culprits.
In Prakash Nagar, Congress (I) people were found carrying voter's lists
to identify Sikh households. In the Gandhinagar area again, a local
Congress (I) councillor Sukhanlal was identified by the victims as the
main leader of the assailants. Escapees from the area who we met at the
Shakarpur relief camp on November 6 blamed the Congress (I) MP from the
area Mr. H.K.L. Bhagat for having masterminded the riots. On November 1,
Satbir Singh (Jat) a Youth Congress (I) leader brought buses filled with
people from Ber Sarai to the Sri Guru Harikishan Public School at
Munirka and burnt the school building and buses and continued looting
and assaults on Sikhs the whole night. Another group of Miscreants led
by Jagdish Tokas, a Congress (I) corporator joined the above group on
looting and assaults. In the Safdarjung - Kidwai Nagar area of South
Delhi, eye witness accounts by those who stood in front of All India
Medical Institute from where Mrs. Gandhi's body was taken out in
procession in the evening of October 31, confirmed the presence of the
Congress (I) Councillor of the area, Arjan Dass at the time when attacks
on Sikh pedestrians, bus drivers and conductors began (Annexure 2).
The allegations against these individuals repeatedly
voiced by the residents of the respective localities which we visited,
connot be dismissed as politically motivated propaganda, since many
among the Sikhs who accused them of complicity in the riots, had been
traditionally Congress (I) voters. Sufferers from Trilokpuri and
Mangolpuri resettlement colonies whom we met looked dazed and
uncomprehending when they said to us: "We were allotted these houses
here by Indira ji. We have always voted for her party. Why were we
attacked?"
Additional indications of the involvement of the
above mentioned Congress (I) leaders in the riots was provided later
when we heard that the Congress (I) MPs from the respective areas were
putting pressure on the local police station to release the culprits who
had been rounded up on ¾ November. On November 5, Mr. Dharmadas Shastri
went to the Karol Bagh police station to protest against police
"misbehaviour" with those who were found in possession of looted
property. (INDIAN EXPRESS, November 6, 1984). Mr. Shastri however
dismissed the report as false. At about the same time H.K.L. Bhagat,
another Congress (I) MP was reported to be trying to secure the release
of several criminal who had been arrested by the Gandhinagar police
station. Describing the dilemma before the police, a senior police
official said to our team members: "Sher pinjre se nikal diya: phir
kahte hain pakad ke le ao!" (First the tigers are let loose from their
cages and then we are ordered to round them up). When asked who was
releasing them, he gave a knowing smile.
The same official told us that when some Congress (I)
leaders came to a police station seeking, the release of their
followers, they were asked to accompany a police party in a raid on some
houses for recovery of looted property. But these leaders refused when
they were told that they would have to be witnesses.
We also heard of cases where even Sikhs close to the
Congress (I) leaders were not spared. In Sajjan Kumar's house at
Paschimpuri on November 6, we were introduced to an elderly Sikh
gentlemen who claimed to be an old Congressman whose shop was burnt by
miscreants. He said that he knew who the culprits were. When our team
members asked him why he did not file a complaint with the police, he
said he would do it at the right time. Mr. Sajjan Kumar's secretary drew
us aside and dropped a hint that the RSS workers had been behind the
arson. He however could not name any particular RSS leader or activist.
Mr. Charanjit Singh, a Sikh Congress (I) MP from Delhi suffered a loss
of Rs. 10 crores when his Pure Drinks factories were burnt down.
Narrating his experience Mr. Singh said: "I telephoned the Lt. Governor
and the Police several times, telling them that mobs were burning our
factories. I was told that the force would be arriving but that never
happened". He added that he had been a "failure" to his constituents,
since all assistance "was denied to him". (STATESMAN November 10, 1984).
The administration appears to have been persuaded by
the decision makers at the top to treat the alleged criminals with kid
gloves. Inquiries at some of the police stations in the affected are as
revealed that the police had announced that those in possession of
looted property should submit them within a stipulated time period and
would be let off if they did so. A senior Police Officer simply
described this to us as a "Voluntary disclosure Scheme". We feel that
this is a strange way of dispensing justice. Restoration of the booty by
the looters is no substitute for their punishment. In the absence of any
convincing explanation on the part of the authorities for this
extraordinarily queer way of dealing with criminals, we are left with
the suspicion that there is a calculated design by some influential
forces to protect them.
The Congress (I) High Command's reluctance to probe
into the allegations against their own councillors and other leaders
further ends credence to the suspicious voiced above. Even Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi seems to dismiss the serious charges being
levelled against his party men. On November 6, when Charan Singh who
accompanied a team of Opposition leaders in a deputation to Mr. Gandhi,
drew his attention to the reports of Congress (I) men pressurising the
police to get their followers released, which appeared in the INDIAN
EXPRESS some days ago, Mr. Gandhi said that he had heard about it and
then reported that the INDIAN EXPRESS is the opposition's paper just as
the National Herald is Congress I's. The next day the AICC-I
headquarters came out with a statement saying that the allegations were
utterly malicious. On November 8 however, Mr. Gandhi asked his senior
party colleagues to probe into every allegation of Congress-I worker's
involvement in the violent incidents. But till today no one knows what
will be the nature of the "probe".
In fact Mr. G.K. Moopanar, who is in charge of the
organisation in the AICC(I) told newsmen on November 9 that the had not
received any intimation for any such inquiry so far.
It is difficult to believe that Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi, was unaware of the activities if important and well known
members of his party for full five days (from October 31 to November 5).
Mr. Gandhi had been the General Secretary of AICC(I) since 1982 and in
charge of reorganising his party. He had been presiding over training
camps for Congress (I) workers at various places. We wonder how after
all these training programmes the cadres of Mrs. Gandhi's party could go
on such a murderous rampage.
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